The midterms just handed both chambers of Congress to the Democrats. The president who spent two years treating the opposition as an existential threat is now saying he looks forward to working with them. He has already named immigration as one place where a deal is possible. He has also reminded everyone that he still holds the veto. The question for the people who voted for him is simple: which parts of the agenda survive a divided government, and which parts get traded away once the pressure to “get something done” starts.
What He Said the Night the Results Came In
On election night the president told interviewers he was willing to accept the outcome and work with the new majority “for the good of the country.” He said he had already spoken with some Democrats and that he expected deals after a stretch of vetoes. He specifically mentioned immigration as an area where he has “always felt we should be able to work.” He also posted a picture of one of his red hats with the word “VETO” on the front and warned that he would reject anything he considered extreme. The message was clear: he will block what he hates and bargain on the rest.
What if Trump decides he can accomplish MORE of his economic agenda by working with Democrats than by fighting with Republicans?
Could Trump actually get MORE accomplished with Democrats controlling Congress?
“The Art Of A Deal”
— Aunty Kitty (@wake_up_girl_3) November 5, 2026
The Pattern From the First Term
This is not new behavior. In his first term, after the 2018 midterms cost Republicans the House, the president still cut deals on spending, disaster aid, and criminal-justice changes. He kept the border fight going, but he also signed bills that mixed Republican and Democratic priorities. The difference now is that Democrats control both chambers and the president is a lame duck. The incentive to leave office with a few legislative trophies is stronger. The incentive to protect every hard-won executive action is weaker once the other side can investigate and block nominees.
Where the Risks Are Highest
Immigration is the clearest early test. The president has said he is open to working on it. That does not automatically mean mass amnesty, but it does mean the hardline positions that defined the last campaign are no longer non-negotiable if Democrats offer something he wants on energy, spending, or foreign policy. Tariffs and the Iran war are harder for him to trade because they sit mostly in executive hands. Judges and senior appointees are already lost; the Senate will block the ones Democrats dislike. The places where a deal can still happen are the places that require a signature: funding bills, infrastructure packages, and any immigration measure that can be sold as enforcement plus some form of status for people already here.
@Anc_Aesthetics If Donald Trump says one more word about doing a deal with Democrats on immigration to save himself while continuing to throw me under the bus, I fully support him being impeached and removed.
— TransOdius (@TransOdius) November 4, 2026
How Much Leverage He Still Holds
The veto is real. A Democratic Congress cannot override it without two-thirds of both chambers, and they do not have those numbers. The president can also keep using executive orders, regulations, and the courts. Those tools do not disappear because the House and Senate flipped. What does disappear is the ability to pass new laws that expand the agenda. The president can refuse bad bills. He can also accept half-measures if he decides the alternative is two years of pure gridlock and investigations. History says he prefers motion to stalemate.
What to Watch in the First Months
The first real signal will be the opening funding and immigration talks. If the White House starts floating “reforms” that include work permits or green-card expansions in exchange for border money or tariff relief, the compromise is underway. If the president simply vetoes everything and dares Democrats to override, the hard line holds. He has already told the country he expects both sides to “work something out.” That is the language of a dealmaker who has just lost his majority, not the language of a president who intends to spend the next two years blocking every Democratic priority. The people who voted for the original agenda still have the veto as protection. They no longer have a Congress that will stop the other side from forcing the choice.
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