Reports have circulated for months that members of Susie Wiles’ family did well financially during her time as White House chief of staff. Some of those reports rest on public lobbying disclosures and the timing of promotions. Others rest on accusations from a former administration official who says special interests learned they could get priority by hiring her daughter. Wiles left the job on November 6. The questions about the money did not leave with her.
Susie Wiles should not only be fired from the @WhiteHouse but she should be prosecuted @AGToddBlanche A $35,000-per-month foreign lobbying contract from Russia 🇷🇺 through the chief of staff’s daughter’s firm is the detail that sticks after a midterm loss. Access questions do not fade on their own. Should White House family firms be barred from foreign clients while in office? @NikkiHaley @RonDeSantis @SenateGOP @HouseGOP @MELANIATRUMP @FLOTUS @MargoMartin47 @StephenM @LauraLoomer @SecRubio @HouseGOP #Midterms2026 #Trump
— AmericaUncensored (@trumps_kitten) November 6, 2026
What the Public Record Actually Shows
Wiles herself came into the job with a long consulting career. Her firm, Right Coast Strategies, ceased operations at the end of 2024. Financial disclosures filed while she was in office list assets in the multi-million range from prior work and investments. Her White House salary was the standard senior staff rate of roughly $195,000. There is no public evidence that she personally received new government contracts or outside payments while serving as chief of staff.
The sharper focus has been on her daughters. Katie Wiles works as a partner at Continental Strategy, a Florida-based firm with strong Trump-world ties. The firm promoted her the day after President Trump named her mother chief of staff. Continental’s reported federal lobbying compensation rose sharply once the new administration began. Figures cited in coverage put the firm’s haul in the tens of millions for 2025 and the first nine months of 2026, far above earlier years. The firm has also held a $35,000-a-month contract with the government of Republika Srpska, the Serb entity in Bosnia. Katie Wiles traveled there in August; the firm said the trip was for a separate American corporate client and that she does not lobby the U.S. government on the entity’s behalf. A White House official said she does not discuss business with her mother.
As I’ve said for years: Susie Wiles is the snake in the grass who blocked MAGA from going full America First.
Her daughter Katie Wiles is a partner at Continental Strategy. The firm’s federal lobbying income exploded from $1.8M in 2024 to over $27M in 2025 — and hit $35.7M in the first nine months of 2026.
Continental promoted Katie to director in its Jacksonville and DC offices on Nov. 8, 2024 — one day after Trump named her mother Chief of Staff. The promotion added lobbying and business development to her role.
The firm holds a $35K/month contract with the government of Republika Srpska (the pro-Russian Bosnian Serb entity). During an August 2026 trip Continental says was for a separate U.S. client, Katie was photographed holding a rifle at a shooting range with the entity’s interior minister, Željko Budimir.
On Sept. 21, 2026, Susie Wiles met at the White House with Željka Cvijanović, the Serb member of Bosnia’s presidency. A White House official says Continental partner Alex Garcia — not Katie — arranged it.
This comes amid claims by former HHS senior adviser and MAHA advocate Calley Means that Susie’s office stalled MAHA policies while courting industry money for the midterms. Means also says Continental’s revenue surge was “tied to Katie Wiles working there.”
A Wiles spokesperson calls the claims “outrageous, defamatory, and provably false.” Continental calls them “inaccurate and baseless.”
America First or family first? 🇺🇸
#SusieWiles #MAGA #AmericaFirst— GRANDPA’s FREE ADVICE (@GOP_is_Gutless) November 11, 2026
Caroline Wiles, the other daughter, took a position in January 2025 as vice president of federal affairs at the lobbying firm Rubin Turnbull & Associates. Her husband, Bret Worley, runs businesses that sell and distribute intoxicating hemp products—an industry that faced potential new restrictions. A former senior health adviser later claimed Wiles intervened on hemp policy because of family interests. The claim has not been independently verified.
The Accusations and the Denials
The most pointed claims come from Calley Means, a former senior adviser who worked with Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and resigned in October. On the Joe Rogan podcast and on television, Means said Wiles and a close circle repeatedly cited the need for midterm campaign money from industries the administration had campaigned against. He specifically alleged that companies that hired Katie Wiles at Continental received “high priority” treatment, and that this was openly discussed. He named Ballard Partners, Wiles’ former firm, as another vehicle for access. Means has since demanded that relevant parties preserve records and has continued to press the issue after Wiles’ departure.
Continental Strategy, speaking for itself and Katie Wiles, called the claims about the firm inaccurate and baseless. It said it never lobbied on the specific policies Means highlighted, including flavored vapes, glyphosate herbicides, or kratom. Ballard Partners issued a similar denial, stating its interactions with Wiles as chief of staff were limited and exceptional. A spokesperson for Wiles described Means’ accusations as outrageous, defamatory, and provably false. Means has said the pattern was part of a broader problem of former lobbyists inside the White House shaping policy to protect fundraising.
How Much of It Holds Up
The revenue growth at Continental Strategy is real and is part of a wider pattern: firms with known connections to the incoming administration saw large increases in business after the 2024 election. Promotions and new clients arrived quickly. That creates an appearance of preferential access even if no law was broken. The specific allegation that hiring the chief of staff’s daughter bought high-priority treatment is, so far, the word of one former official against firm and White House denials. No public document has yet shown a clear quid pro quo, a government contract steered to a family member, or an improper payment to Wiles herself while she held the office.
Pre-administration consulting earnings are a different matter. Those are documented in disclosures and are the ordinary product of a decades-long career in Republican politics and lobbying. The harder question is whether family members in the private lobbying business received an advantage because of the mother’s position. The timing of the promotion, the firm’s revenue surge, the foreign client work, and the son-in-law’s industry all create the optics that critics cite. They do not, by themselves, prove illegal enrichment.
Wiles’ defenders note that she has said she does not discuss business with her daughters and that her firm shut down before she took the job. Critics inside the broader coalition argue that the pattern looks like the permanent Washington practice of turning proximity into clients. The public record shows a lobbying boom around her family during her tenure and sharp accusations that have been firmly denied. It does not yet show a proven case of family members improperly cashing in on the chief of staff role itself. That distinction is the difference between a political problem and a legal one, and it is the distinction the next round of scrutiny will test.
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